| 摘要: | 二二八事件發生迄今已近七十年。這段期間，臺灣的社會與政治環境多次大幅改變；各方對該事件的論述，也不斷因應時局進行調整。歷史事件的詮釋，難免受到各種外在因素的影響，二二八事件的性質本就爭議性十足，其內容又與族群、省籍問題關係密切，受到各方關注實屬必然。
所有與二二八類似的事件都令人感到悲傷，不應發生。從日治時代在三鶯走廊、桃園臺地、雲林等地的屠殺，與林少貓、噍吧哖、霧社等事件，到後來國民政府的白色恐怖，死亡人數多不下二二八事件，但在近代臺灣卻都未形成重大的政治或社會問題；白色恐怖雖引起不少關注，但明顯依附於二二八事件之下。由此可見，在目前重新建構的臺灣史當中，二二八並不單純是令人悲傷的歷史事件，亦有相當程度的政治操作成份在內。
以研究者的立場來看，二二八事件的史實不可能被重建，畢竟任何當事人都無法全面看見所有真相，甚至不少見證者的證言與口述記錄也是聽來的傳聞。因此，本文透過探究不同時代研究者的意識形態及研究成果，希望略窺史實。
本研究的第一個目標，是進行二二八事件相關研究著作的目錄整理。總計收錄官方檔案25部、文獻資料彙編16本、事件當事人及其親友的回憶性著作68個單位、當事人及親友的口述訪錄62個單位、事件當時出版品17個單位、官方正式調查報告4份、中央政府機構研究論著36本、地方政府機構研究論著70本、相關專書227本、學術期刊論文209篇、研討會及論文集論文169篇、學位論文106篇、報章雜誌506個單位、相關文學創作8本，共1521個單位。
第二個目標，是藉量性分析的方法將上述研究著作進行統整，依時序排列，最後進行質性分析。並以此探究二二八事件相關研究之趨勢、頻率、週期、生態以及模式。統計結果顯示，二二八事件的研究，無論數量、方向或趨勢，都深受各種外在因素及大環境影響，其中又以政治因素為主。畢竟執政者的政策及立場，能影響的層面既深且廣，非其他因素可比。
第三，本論文也針對相關研究的部分爭議及問題，整理各家的不同看法，略作分析，並提出個人的見解。包括二二八事件之性質及死亡人數爭議、部分史料及口述歷史的可信度問題、二二八研究的史學與政治及左翼勢力對事件的影響等，希望對後來的研究者能有微薄助益。
口述歷史無疑有許多優點，能由不同角度比對官方檔案及資料，也能以不同立場來理解與認知當時狀況；但缺點同樣不少，受訪者所知難免片面、局部、主觀，又可能受個人因素及環境氛圍影響，史料價值較低。由陳英泰的經驗可知，政治受難者集體受訪前已有默契；陳正雄的例子則讓我們知道，訪問者的立場亦影響訪錄之結果。
其他史料的部分，臺灣旅滬同鄉會在事件之初，地位相當重要，不但組成臺胞六團體向媒體發表言論，又與《文匯報》合作召開座談會，在各大媒體宣傳政府的失政與屠殺。但此組織已證實當時在中共地下黨控制下，因此相關言論可信度恐怕不高。
葛超智《被出賣的臺灣》書中的內容，無論對臺灣產業的描述、公務員數量、通貨膨脹的原因，乃至於美國軍官伊文斯的貪汙事件等，都與檔案資料不符，造假以詆毀陳儀政府的內容亦多。誠然，此書並非嚴謹的政府公文，也非學術著作，認真追究其內容真實性意義不大，但此作品影響臺灣極其深遠，令人搖頭。
陳其邁提出的「二二八事件處理及賠償條例第六條之一」修正案，要對企圖否認或粉飾「現今二二八論述」，而傷害受難家屬者，處五年以下有期徒刑。個人以為，在不影響自身利益的情況下，人們多會同情弱勢的一方。二二八受難家屬們的遭遇確實令人心痛而感同身受，但若因此將其作為神聖不可侵犯的圖騰，似乎又太過；為了保護他們的心靈不受傷害，而要立法封殺所有不同看法的言論，以及立場相異的學術研究，恐怕適得其反。
近來的研究，多認同中共地下黨及臺共對二二八事件的發生並無直接關係；但真要說事件當中共黨的影響不大，則與眾多檔案及訪錄牴觸。國民政府統治臺灣初期，各種貪污腐敗、施政錯誤，左翼群眾不惜投入反對暴政的行列，包括中部的二七部隊、臺北的學生起義與南部的民主自治聯軍都與左翼有關。比起見風使舵、觀望局勢的騎牆派勝過許多。但也因為始終站在反抗的第一線上，遭遇最多的壓迫與傷害。現今的二二八研究擔心模糊焦點，也怕觸碰到受難家屬的傷口，多有顧忌，連官方論述也很少論及這一塊。
歷史事件本來就不應該只有一個面相，由立場不同的人來看，事件自然有不同的定位。無論如何，以研究者的立場，不應將事件預設為善良與邪惡的對立，或是好人對抗壞人。一如《悲劇性的開端》所提：「我們相信讀者在認真思考導致此一事變錯綜複雜的因素時，不會將它視為一場好人對抗惡棍的殊死戰，而應視為一樁悲劇性的事故。」
Taiwan has experienced several substantial social and political transformations since the February 28 Incident (also known as the 228 Incident) that occurred nearly seventy years ago. Interpretations for historical events are invariably influenced by external factors; it’s not surprising that multiple discourses have arisen to explain the 228 Incident.
Other incidents that bear a similarity to the 228 Incident were tragic and unnecessary. The massacres that occurred in areas around Sanxia and Yingge, Taoyuan Plateau, and Yunlin during the Japanese colonial period, the Lin Shao-Mao Incident, riots that took place in Tapani (a district in today’s Taiwan) Tainan) and Wushe (in Nantou), and the White Terror (which involved the systematic suppression of political dissidents by the KMT government): the death toll of each of these incidents was no less than the 228 Incident, but none of these incidents caused as much turmoil as the 228 incident did. Even the White Terror would have attracted less attention if it hadn’t directly followed the 228 Incident. As the history of Taiwan is being re-constructed, we have every reason to believe that the 228 Incident was not simply a tragic event, but a strategic political manipulation.
The historical facts regarding this incident cannot be fully reconstructed by researchers because it is impossible for any single person to see all of the facts. Many “eye-witnesses” actually made bold testimonies according to what they had heard from other people. The current paper explores the ideologies and research results obtained by researchers from different periods of time. It is our hope that we can discover previously unrevealed facts about this incident.
The first goal of this study is to compile a catalogue of relevant works. We have gathered 25 official documents, 16 compilations of relevant history records, 68 memoirs written by victims or their relatives/friends, 62 interviews of the victims or their relatives/friends, 17 publications from that time, 4 official investigations, 36 treatises published by the central government, 70 treatises published by local governments, 228 academic publications, 209 research papers (from journals), 169 research papers (from symposiums and proceedings), 106 dissertations, 506 articles published in newspapers and magazines, and 8 literary works. 1522 works have been found in total.
We then compiled all these works in chronological order using quantitative analysis, followed by a qualitative analysis. Thus we identified trends, the frequency with which articles were published, cycles, contextual factors, and patterns. Statistical results indicate that the quantity, quality and direction of works regarding the 228 Incident have been immensely affected by external factors and the circumstances in which they were written, particularly political factors. The power and resources of the ruling party cannot be underestimated when it comes to these works.
The present paper collectedcollects a multitude of views regarding disputable issues with regard to the current literature, makes an analysis, and proffers opinions. This paper explores the nature of the 228 Incident and its death toll, the credibility of historical materials and oral history, and how historical views, political influences, and Left forces have affected the evaluation of the 228 Incident in academia and the minds of the public. Hopefully this can serve as a useful reference for future researchers.
Oral histories have undeniable value; they can be compared to official data and materials, and a different understanding can be achieved by investigating the grass-roots perspective. Nevertheless, oral history has its limits, as some interviewees have formedhad partial impressions and made subjective judgments on the event; therefore the value of these historical materials can sometimes be lower than expected. The case of Chen Ying-Tai alerts us to the tacit understanding of some political victims while taking interviews, whereas the story of Chen Cheng-Hsiung is a reminder that the stance of the one conducting the interview might possibly sway the resulting interview.
With regard to other historical data, the Taiwanese Association of Shanghai played a very important role in the early narratives for this incident. They expressed their opinions via the media, and co-held a session with the Shanghai Wen Hui Bao, in which they raised the public’s awareness of the KMT’s inadequate governance and the Taiwanese holocaustmassacre. However, it has been proven that this association is controlled by the PRC’s underground party. Hence their reports are of highly questionable credibility.
Many of the accounts found in Formosa Betrayed, a book written by George Henry Kerr, are not in line with other archives. These include stories regarding the industries in Taiwan, the number of public servants at that time, the causes for inflation, and the scandal involving an American officer. Some of these accounts are believed to purposely vilify Chen Yi., the leader of the government at that time. This book is neither a rigorous academic writing nor official documentation. Therefore and therefore, it is of little value when attempting to confirmon the authenticity of the historical accounts mentioned in the book. The book, however, has had significant impact on many publications in Taiwan.
The amendment to Article 6-1 “The February 28 Incident Disposition and Compensation Act” as proposed by Chen Chi-Mai was meant to punish those who deny or cover up discourse regarding the 228 Incident. They can recievereceive a five-year imprisonment, as it is believed that denial would do harm to the family of the deceased victim(s). I personally believe that people tend to sympathize with the weak even when their interest is not at stake. We can sympathize with the families of the victims of this incident, but it is inappropriate to see them as sacred objects. To legalize this act and thereby silence the voice of the dissidents just to assuage the bereaved family members may well produce adverse effects in the long run.
Most recent studies hold that neither the PRC’s underground party nor the community party (of Taiwan) have direct associations with the 228 Incident. Yet the community party does hashave an obvious impact on the discourse regarding the incident, as they’ve produced a large amount of archives and interviews since then. At the initial phase of the KMT ruling, Left-wing activists instigated a series of revolts to counter corruption and poor governance. These include the 27th Brigade, the students’ uprising in Taipei, and the Democratic and Autonomy Coalition in southern Taiwan. By sticking to political ideals and principles, they suffered the worst oppression. Yet these heroes are rarely mentioned in the current literature because these uprisings aren’t included in the mainstream 228 discourse. Most official discussions also exclude mention of these uprisings.
All historical events have multiple interpretations, simply because people with differing stances will view them from different angles. Regardless, a researcher should never demonstrate bias toward parties on either side of an event. A passage in A Tragic Beginning: The Taiwan Uprising of February 28, 1947 states “We believe that our readers will make a great effort to consider the interplay of various factors that led to this tragic incident, without seeing it as a war between good guys and villains. Rather, it would be most appropriate to see this incident as a tragic occurrence.” |
