我國政府推動加入聯合國策略之研究(1993-2004)

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题名:	我國政府推動加入聯合國策略之研究(1993-2004) My government to join the United Nations strategy Study (1993-2004)
作者:	汪大成
贡献者:	政治學研究所碩士在職專班
关键词:	民族自決 2758決議案中國代表權分裂國家理論新生國家理論 Secession Theory National Self-Determination Anti-secession law Nascent state theory 2758 RESOLUTION
日期:	2006
上传时间:	2014-07-01 14:26:59 (UTC+8)
摘要:	自1971年10月25日聯合國大會通過第二七五八號決議，正式承認中華人民共和國政府代表，為中國出席聯合國組織之唯一合法代表，並驅逐蔣中正的代表，一舉解決當時爭議已經二十多年的中國代表權問題之後，自此我國政府與聯合國及其相關組織間毫無聯繫。直到1990年代初期，民進黨人士開始推動加入聯合國運動，自此正式喚起國人對聯合國的重視。1991年6月立法院正式通過「重返聯合國建議案」後，我國外交部也從1992年開始每年依照規劃的進度計畫推動「參與聯合國」工作。而台灣政局自2000年中央政府首次由民進政黨執政，兩岸關係重新定調為一邊一國，尤其是近些年的作法，伴隨著國內政黨輪替的趨勢下，究竟這幾年台灣在推動加入聯合國的此項工作策略上有何種轉變及新的嘗試性做法，試著從國民黨與民進黨執政時期的角度，論台灣推動加入聯合國的策略來分析、比較、評斷何種策略及做法較適合台灣，並從聯合國憲章與實踐、兩黨實際推動的策略和成果、國際的趨勢潮流及兩岸關係等角度來檢討兩黨採取的策略與理由，皆是筆者想要研究的目的與動機。本研究從分裂國家理論（平行代表權模式）、新生國家理論（新會員入會模式）以及聯合國憲章和實踐等綜合交叉運用，分析從國民黨執政時期到民進黨執政時期，台灣在推動加入聯合國的策略上有何種轉變及新的嘗試性做法，試著從國民黨執政與民進黨執政時期的角度，論台灣推動加入聯合國的策略來分析、比較、評論何種策略及做法較為可行，並從聯合國憲章與實踐、兩黨實際推動的策略和成果、國際的趨勢潮流及兩岸關係等角度來檢討兩黨採取的策略與理由。透過本研究之策略分析與評論，預期可以獲得以下幾點研究成果： 1.國民黨執政時期的策略及作法可以知悉其推動加入聯合國的策略是採行分裂國家理論中的平行代表權模式及營造一個合諧的兩岸關係。 2.民進黨執政時期的策略及作法可以知悉其推動加入聯合國的策略是採行新生國家理論中的新會員國模式及強調主權獨立與民族自決的一種兩岸關係。 3.兩岸關係的發展及中共的阻撓是未來推動加入聯合國的關鍵性因素。 4.國際的趨勢潮流及聯合國安理會席次的擴增與權力結構的轉變，將會是下一波影響台灣推動加入聯合國的不可忽視的因素。 The UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, which was adopted on 25 October 1971, recognized the PRC government as the sole legitimate representative to attend the United Nations and expelled the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek. This was to solve the controversial issue of Chinese representation which last about twenty years. Since then, the ROC Government has lost its connection with the United Nations. Nonetheless, this issue was not solved in reality. Taiwanese people began to be aware of attending the UN when the DPP promoted such campaign in the early 1990s. Legislative Yuan adopted the “Recommendation on Returning to the United Nations” in June 1991. Moreover, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also started to promote “Joining the United Nations Project”. Following the coming into power of the DPP in 2000, the cross strait relationship had been decided as different country in each side. Obviously, the strategy of promoting the aforementioned project was adjusted as well. It is the author’s conception that there should be some kind of change and alteration on the basic attitude on “joining” or “attending” the UN between the DDP and the KMT. Furthermore, this also encourages the author to carry out this study. It is also the author’s wish in analyzing, comparing, and commenting the strategy and policy on such issue between the DDP and the KMT. This study shall be proceeded through the research on the model of parallel representation, the model of new membership, and the discussion on the practices of the UN Charter so that the change and alteration on the strategy and policy can be examined with a clear view. The author concludes the following points: 1.In order to construct a harmonious cross strait relationship, the KMT adopts the theory and the model of parallel representation. 2.For the purpose of emphasizing independent sovereignty of Taiwan as well as self-determination, the DPP introduces the theory and the model of new membership. 3.The ROC’s promotion on joining the UN shall be influenced by two key factors, which are the development of cross strait relationship and China’s position. 4.The reformation of the UN, especially the Security Council, and the transition afterwards should be under close watch because of their influences.
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